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When you print an array, NumPy displays it in a similar way to nested lists, but with the following layout:

One-dimensional arrays are then printed as rows, bidimensionals as matrices and tridimensionals as lists of matrices.

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If an array is too large to be printed, NumPy automatically skips the central part of the array and only prints the corners:

To disable this behaviour and force NumPy to print the entire array, you can change the printing options using set_printoptions .

Arithmetic operators on arrays apply elementwise . A new array is created and filled with the result.

Unlike in many matrix languages, the product operator * operates elementwise in NumPy arrays. The matrix product can be performed using the dot function or method:

Some operations, such as += and *= , act in place to modify an existing array rather than create a new one.

When operating with arrays of different types, the type of the resulting array corresponds to the more general or precise one (a behavior known as upcasting).

Many unary operations, such as computing the sum of all the elements in the array, are implemented as methods of the ndarray class.

By default, these operations apply to the array as though it were a list of numbers, regardless of its shape. However, by specifying the axis parameter you can apply an operation along the specified axis of an array:

NumPy provides familiar mathematical functions such as sin, cos, and exp. In NumPy, these are called “universal functions”( ufunc ). Within NumPy, these functions operate elementwise on an array, producing an array as output.

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Brett Kavanaugh, Establishment Extremist

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Groomed by the “respectable” right, Kavanaugh will grease the skids for the Trump agenda.

Brett Kavanaugh poses for photographs before meeting with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) in his office in the US Capitol July 10, 2018 in Washington, D.C. Chip Somodevilla / Getty


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Trump’s much-anticipated replacement for “swing” justice Anthony Kennedy has finally been chosen. Those who viewed Kennedy as the Supreme Court’s moderating force, a voice of restraint and pragmatism, will be happy to know the nominee has Kennedy’s personal seal of approval. Those who know more about Kennedy’s will not find this comforting in the least.

Brett Kavanaugh, the man slated to be Kennedy’s replacement, is a Bush appointee who leapfrogged onto the US Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit in 2006 due largely, it seems, to his fierce loyalty to former president George W. Bush. It took him two attempts and three years, but Kavanaugh was finally confirmed, despite Democratic opposition, on an almost entirely party-line vote. This exact course of events now looks set to repeat itself.

So, who exactly is Brett Kavanaugh? Turns out there’s nothing particularly Trumpian about him. Instead, Kavanaugh is a right-wing radical entirely of the establishment’s making.

What’s immediately clear about Kavanaugh is there is absolutely nothing aberrant about him. Kavanaugh isn’t a forum-posting extremist dredged up from some obscure right-wing fever swamp in the mold of Stephen Miller. Nor is he some kind of wacky fundamentalist from one of the US’s supposedly backward regions. Kavanaugh’s brand of radicalism is a product of the Washington establishment through and through.

Kavanaugh was born in D.C. and grew up in Maryland. His mother was a public school teacher who later became a state judge. He went to school in Georgetown Prep., one of the country’s oldest and most elite schools, before attending Yale. He cut his teeth as a summer associate at some of Washington’s biggest and most powerful firms, including (now Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman), Covington Burling, and . He clerked for Kennedy, which makes him the second of Trump’s far-right picks to have done so (Gorsuch, incidentally, also attended Georgetown Prep.), before diving headfirst into service for the GOP.

Kavanaugh fits a consistent pattern. For all the panic over Trump’s appointment of fringe figures like Miller and, previously, Steve Bannon, Trump’s extreme picks often come from the more socially acceptable confines of establishment conservatism.

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